šŸ‡¹šŸ‡­ Prayuth down but not out

šŸ‡²šŸ‡¾ Najib down, technically out, but who knows what the next twist will bring

Hello friends!

Today I take a look at Malaysia and Thailand where monumental political shifts have occurred. Have added some great other stories from around the region for your weekend reading pleasure. 

I did promise a look at the repealing of 377a in Singapore and the subsequent ā€˜debateā€™, but it needs a lot more work so Iā€™ll be back shortly with that. 

See you next week for a broader regional update!Erin Cook

šŸ‡¹šŸ‡­ Prayuth Chan-o-cha is benched

I am shocked. I am stunned. I said last week that the planned demonstrations against Prayuth Chan-o-cha over his term limit ā€” which many say began in the nascent days of the 2014 military government ā€” expiring on Wednesday would be spectacular, but I did not expect this!

The Constitutional Court has accepted a case lodged by the opposition to work out once and for all when the eight-year timer begins on Prayuthā€™s leadership. And for the duration, he will be suspended. ā€œThe court has determined by a 5-4 vote to suspend Gen. Prayuth from the duties of Prime Minister from Aug. 24 onward until the court reaches a [final] verdict,ā€ a statement from the court released Wednesday said, as per Nikkei Asia.

He remains in the cabinet as defence minister but has spent the second half of this week indulging in working from home, according to the Bangkok Post. There are mounting calls for him to give up that post as well but he enjoys the full backing of Army chief Gen Narongphan Jitkaewthae: ā€œHe should be praised for following the democratic process and the rule of law ... When the judicial branch tells the executive branch what should be done, the executive branch shows its willingness to comply.ā€ Still, to be a fly on the wall of that home office. Prayuth is always totally losing it over regular inconveniences or perceived slights, imagine this week! 

Senior deputy prime minister and close ally Prawit Wongsuwan has been placed in a caretaker role. Heā€™s an interesting fella. Whenever I think of him, my mind goes first to the 2018 watch scandal in which an anti-corruption watchdog cleared him of any wrongdoing for owning two dozen extraordinarily expensive luxury watches. It also kicked off a luxury watch-watch of leaders in neighbouring countries. Besides being very aware of the time, Prawit is a very well-known quantity and, in addition to having only limited powers, he is unlikely to deviate from the norm. 

Call him the Thai Dick Cheney, Ken Mathis Lohatepanont writes in the Thai Enquirer. Heā€™s very unpopular and while he wields a load of power as leader of the dominant Palang Pracharath party, heā€™s unlikely to be a serious contender for long-term leadership. And at 77 years-old, heā€™s the oldest prime minister, acting or otherwise, in Thai history, and thatā€™s a hard sell. 

So, what happens next? One thing that is clear from all the analysis is the APEC Summit deadline in November has, if anything, only become more crucial to the government. Political analyst Punchada Sirivunnabood told Straits Times she wouldnā€™t be surprised to see if Prayuth is cleared and the can kicked down the road a few more months. ā€œThis conference is really important for Thailand, and they don't want anything bad to happen to it,ā€ she said. 

The consensus is the court is likely to play along. Thitinan Pongsudhirak, the political expert at Chulalongkorn University whom I seem to be quoting weekly lately!, told the AP that the public and the courts have diametrically opposed desires: ā€œLooking at how the court has always ruled in his favour, it would not be a surprise if the Constitutional Court comes up with a technicality. We must remember it was appointed during the military regime.ā€

And that will big time kick off the punters, virtually every expert says. The economy is faring very poorly and Prayuth is hardly seen as a capable economic manager. The cost of living is skyrocketing and instant noodles have been approved for a price increase for the first time in 14 years. A sign of the times. Opposition parties have vowed to focus on economic policies in the lead-up to the election ā€” which, I keep almost forgetting, has to be held by March.

I found this quote from Punchada Sirivunnabood in the ST story mentioned above particularly intriguing. Sacrificing Prayuth for the good of the government could be on the cards, she thinks, because:  ā€œIt could be a way to ease public dissatisfaction, given the number of people taking to the streets. Even red shirts and yellow shirts are coming together.ā€ 

šŸ‡²šŸ‡¾ Najib supporters eye Royal hail Mary

Off to the slammer with former prime minister Najib Razak. Bored and increasingly agitated by Najibā€™s courtroom antics, the court Tuesday drew a line in the sand and sent him to prison for 12 years. He also has a few other related cases left to be tried. 

I loved this op-ed originally published in the Chinese-language paper Sin Chew Daily which is just dripping in schadenfreude. ā€œAnd thanks to Bossku's wildly popular image among the masses, Umno has seen a ray of hope to return to Putrajaya in a huge way. But sorry, Sir, you are not the "boss" in the court. The judges are!ā€ writes Chong Lip Teck, who is having the time of their life. 

The final battleground is at the palace. Najib supporters presented a memorandum on Wednesday, signed by 300 supporters, calling for King Abdullah to grant a pardon to the former PM. The memo also requests an investigation into presiding judge Mohd Nazlan Mohd Ghazali. 

There is some precedent here. Anwar Ibrahim was famously granted a pardon but, uh, that was very different. Mahathir Mohamad reckons thereā€™s a 50-50 chance here that it will be granted. I donā€™t know one way or the other, but I do think it would be very silly. Under King Abdullah, the monarchy has had an outsized political role and Mahathir has, of course, his own long-running beef with the royal families so Iā€™m genuinely unsure if his view is reasonable or another attempted denigration. 

Anyway. Donā€™t do it! Say 35,000 signers of a petition launched by anti-corruption and electoral reform group Bersih. ā€œAs a nation, we must not tolerate corruption or the corrupt, whoever that person may be. Let Najib serve his 12 years in jail and pay the RM210 million fine to serve as an example to leaders who think they can abuse their position,ā€ the petition says. 

The win is enormous. Huge! And enjoy it, because the war on corruption is only just beginning. 

Rosmah is up next. But I really want to know: where the frick is Jho Low?

Further reading:

And yet, MR is not disappearing and there will still be ways to share its magic with others. Past issues will live on, and there is a best-of collection coming soon that I will be eager to share to convey to others why I found this venture so special, initially as a reader and then as a contributor. No such collection could contain all of my own favourite pieces, but an advance look at the table of contents has assured me that it features works by some of the writersā€”historian Rachel Leow and the impossible-to-categorise Emma Larkin, to name just twoā€”whose bylines I would be happy to see in any periodical. It also, I am glad to see, includes Dapiranā€™s wonderful piece, which was the first Mekong Review contribution I ever read and liked.

Indonesiaā€™s new content moderation regulation is one of the strictest digital censorship laws in the region. MR5 came into effect in 2020 and the GR 71 in 2019, but specific measures were needed to make the laws binding.  Several government agencies including Kominfo, the Ministry of Finance, and the Coordinating Ministry for Political, Legal, and Security Affairs then drafted the necessary requirements, according to an attendee of the Kominfo meeting. Kominfo announced its collaboration with the finance ministry in an official statement. The finance ministry and Coordinating Ministry for Political, Legal, and Security Affairs did not respond to Rest of Worldā€™s requests for comment. Google, Meta, and Twitter declined to comment.

Accents are a constant hurdle for millions of call center workers, especially in countries like the Philippines and India, where an entire ā€œaccent neutralizationā€ industry tries to train workers to sound more like the western customers theyā€™re calling ā€“ often unsuccessfully.

As reported in SFGate this week, Sanas hopes its technology can provide a shortcut. Using data about the sounds of different accents and how they correspond to each other, Sanasā€™s AI engine can transform a speakerā€™s accent into what passes for another one ā€“ and right now, the focus is on making non-Americans sound like white Americans.

Accompanied by her only son, Mr Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr, the incumbent president of the Philippines, the 10-day historic trip produced the iconic photo of Mao kissing her hand and paved the way for the normalisation of bilateral relations the following year.

Months later, she visited China again in 1975 with her husband, then President Ferdinand Marcos Sr, and their daughters. When Mr Marcos Sr offered to switch Manila's diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing, Mao assured him that China would neither overthrow the government nor exploit the Philippines.

"We are one family now," Mao declared.

The Indonesian workers were supplied by AG Recruitment, one of four UK agencies licensed to recruit using seasonal worker visas. AG denied any wrongdoing and said it knew nothing about Indonesian brokers charging money.

AG was originally planning to recruit from Ukraine and Russia but changed its plans when war broke out in February, weeks before the picking season was due to start. Last year almost 20,000 Ukrainians came to Britain on seasonal worker visas, making up two-thirds of all those arriving through the scheme.

Mei Aye, a lawyer who visits Yangonā€™s Insein Prison at least twice a week for court appearances, has a ritual that she follows on the days that she has to pass through the gates of Myanmarā€™s most notorious detention centre.

The first thing she does is tell someone she trusts about her unfinished business. And then she makes a point of saying goodbye to all her loved ones, mindful of the fact that she might not see them again for a very long time.

She says she does this as a way of dealing with the crippling anxiety she often feels about the perils of her job defending political prisoners. This is because she knows all too well how easily she, too, could end up behind bars.

Weeks before Than Win fled with his wife and six children, able-bodied men in villages across the township had come under heavy pressure from military officers to enter a draw that would decide if they had to join the juntaā€™s army.

The decision to introduce the conscription lottery in the area, which has a large Karen population, came after military officers summoned elders and community leaders from 10 villages in the area to a meeting in February.

They were told that each village would have to provide 10 army recruits, who would be decided by lottery. Every household with at least one adult male was expected to enter the draw. Anyone selected who was unwilling to serve in the military was required to pay K100,000 (US$54); households without adult males had to pay K15,000 ($8) a month for six months.

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